Was the SS Communist? Look at the Nazi Platform

August 7th, 2017

The National Democratic Socialist Party –
Another Communist Manifesto

Here in America, the Republicans like to talk about ‘values’ and the Democrats, ‘compassion’. Our present-day confusions of politics with morality requires a return to an understanding that human values exist independently of most political platforms. Other than the Middle East, where theocracies either thrive or survive, morality in most countries is largely taught about as having either ‘humanist’ or ‘religious’ origins. Therefore, any claim of a particular economic or political system being ‘natural’ to a group, is highly unlikely. ‘Natural laws’ remain largely a by-product of the size of a population and the ease of food production in that climate. Natural law is far from today’s reality where three quarters of the world’s population may expect to develop cancer and where respiratory disorders plague most of the population relegated to the burning of wood and coal for fuel. Medical care is the lion’s share of the national debt plaguing America today.

When we examine morality in political terms, we need to review the original frames constructed by the founders of those groups. Socialism was supposed to be the great leveller after a well-founded fear of communism followed the reign of terror of Lenin’s Russia. However, when we review the National Socialist German Workers (Nazi) Party, its policies were founded in fears generated by defeat and the economic terrorism inherent in ongoing blockades and the Treaty of Versaille. It spoke of communal welfare in Marxist terms while being openly fascist in the granting of the infinite power of life and death to its’ government. This design for Germans was largely formulated by outsiders living in South America and other areas harbouring former German nationals. The platform may be read here-


This Yale publication describes the platform of the National Socialist German Workers Party, circa 1920. The terms are virtually indistinguishable from communism. Socialism is designed to utilize ‘overages’, distributing excess goods and/or income (via taxes) to provide a safety net to the population. Some of this ‘net’ is available to all in the construction of public schools, a military force and the hiring of public servants. A portion of the net is preserved for the needy indigent and elderly-infirm through pensions for civil service employees and health care for the poor and disabled. Starvation in America was addressed via distribution centers for donated foodstuffs and coupons, (food stamps), for use in stores. The back doors of depression era residents served as another voluntary distribution ‘center’ for many needy individuals of the 30’s without any hint of regulation being required. The remaining needs were performed by job creations under federal auspices.

The rights of individuals appear to be inherent within both socialism and capitalism, given the former’s aim of group support for the unfortunate and the latter’s ability to generate goods and capital – the insurance against misfortune. Any society with public schools and a water/sewer system, created without sacrificing the entirety of the group’s resources or forcing servitude, may rightly be called ‘socialist’. The degree of socialism varies from country to country. Through free-market capitalism, a safety net is available via more avenues than individual tax returns. High personal taxation largely destroys discretionary funds for the personal use of each citizen and is unnecessary when corporate taxes are also available to a treasury. However, businesses regulate their degree of contribution towards the ‘safety net’ through basing themselves in regions where taxation is regarded as reasonable. After all, why contribute twice through both your business and your earnings when you likely live outside of your zoned businesses or operate in more than a single region.

This Nazi Party (circa 1920) documents an entirely different form of government despite the misleading terms of Nationalism and Socialism. Tempting the defeated German nationals with a description of the basis for their present unity – that of hard-working Christians sharing a bond of ‘blood’ that one presumes was viewed in the preferred blond, blue-eyed population. Certainly, no others could claim national status that would guarantee the German land plus colonies where a growing population would be able to settle and obtain additional natural resources.

Apart from this right to unlimited lands, communism peers out of every other portion of the platform, like that of mandatory work with a guaranteed job for each person. Should insufficient jobs exist, ‘aliens’ like Jews and Poles would be evicted. Minorities would be unrepresented in government and be ineligible for office. The same is demanded for ensuring sufficient food/sustenance. All immigrants entering Germany after 1914 would therefore be subject to deportation. Hence, democracy ceases to exist in this vision of Democratic Socialism. With socialism rendered available to only a particular portion of the nation, we return to a vision of communism in a commune the size of the bordered country of Germany.

Socialism does not eliminate private property while the Nazi platform demands that only income generated from work may be accumulated by a citizen. That leaves a great deal of potential loss in terms of the sale of property or inflation-related changes in the value of certain goods and services. Expropriation of agricultural lands had already guaranteed the starvation of millions under Lenin yet was demanded by the Nazis; likely a by-product of starvation caused by military blockades of ports during and after the war. Conflicting demands for nationalization of businesses warred with an insistence that large businesses be ‘communalized’ for small traders, the first appearance of that ‘c’ word applied in this manifesto.

Obviously upper mobility was desired through the demand for a ‘middle class’, at the same time citizens were relegated to a lifetime of labor. That was perhaps aimed at guaranteeing easement from manual labor in the largely intellectual European group deemed worthy to fill leadership positions. Still, the government maintained an absolute right to take both property and businesses from citizens. The plan guarantees the death penalty for any real or imagined infraction of harm to the population – including violating censorship deemed needful by the government.

Those threatened by encroaching communism often retreat to the false promises of national socialism like the Golden Dawn party in the Greek parliament. However, there is no evidence that national socialism differs significantly from communism. Most modern nations have some degree of socialism recognizing mutual needs for protection (a military) and compulsory education requiring a group expenditure towards shared ends. This in no way interferes with capitalism, the safety valve of independent groups ensuring limits upon governmental power through the vote, the power of selective investment and the rights to emigrate.

Emigration options may have unforeseen powers to alter the political landscape forever. Should the framework of nations become important again, nationals may learn the wisdom of having the children of citizens study for entry into that status upon reaching adulthood. Otherwise, a resident worker status limits the demands of the non-citizen upon the group while full citizens remain motivated to protect and enlarge the house in question along original lines of intent. This has been proposed as a potential answer to the problem of Palestinian independence in the Middle East. The status of ‘refugee state’ will eventually have to be removed by an increasingly impoverished United Nations that will soon lack the funds to support the 4.5 million ‘refugees’ in the region.

Returning to the issue of ‘morality’, we need to realize that it isn’t the province of any government but a matter of the individual realizing the full potential of human possibilities. Those must be extending as far as that impact may reach. Towards that end, I am presently engaged in the writing of a three year class for high school students in the making of moral judgements. Support in this effort is being raised at the justgiving website under the category of educational programs:

It’s past time to remove human judgement from politics, a power-driven and power-riven process in the wrong hands.

Barbara Rubin

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